"America sometimes
resembles, at least from the point of view of a black man, an exceedingly
monotonous minstrel show; the same dances, same music, same jokes. One
has done (or been) the show for so long that one can do it in one's own
sleep." - James Baldwin, The
Cross of Redemption: Uncollected Writings
Minstrel shows are an American tradition like none other.
Their charm still resonates with the unconsciousness of many Americans.
In the run up to the 2016 Presidential election, Donald Trump's comic
skits and variety acts represented the sexually crude, racist, and politically
rebellious appeal of America's minstrel show culture that never fully met the
grave. His revival of nostalgic whiteness comforted white working class
anxieties about declining living standards, just as the racist content of
nineteenth century minstrel shows became an escape for American workers from
the crushing pressure of the industrial revolution. Trump provided a flood
of sexist undertones , and often overtones, that harkened back to the burlesque
sideshows that precluded blackface performances. The main act was the political
rebelliousness of Trump. Clearly, many Trump supporters overlooked the
offensiveness of his racism and sexism in favor of his critiques of the status
quo. These "psychological wages," as David Roediger describes
in The
Wages of Whiteness, provide an egotistical boost to working class white
Americans who suffer from a
sobering decline of wages, living standards, and life expectancy in Rust Belt
America.
Blackface originated
in the early 1830s in Pittsburgh during the rise of President Andrew Jackson.
Jackson, a President with populist appeals similar to Donald Trump, was a
Wealthy Tennessee slaveowner whose party courted voters who attacked
abolitionists with verbal and physical violence. Even so, President
Tyler's inauguration commenced with a minstrel show and President Lincoln
frequented blackface entertainment to escape his Civil War duties. The
first minstrel performers were white working class men in mechanics' halls.
Out of this context, white performers appropriated "Negro
spirituals," black music that originated in the Southern United States, in
order to sell "blackness" as an entertainment form. It's clear
that their original content was knowingly perverted into humor for white
audiences. As a 1867 Atlantic Monthly article summarized:
These quaint religious songs
were to the men more than a source of relaxation; they were a stimulus to
courage and a tie to heaven. I never overheard in a camp a profane or vulgar
song. With the trifling exceptions given, all had a religious motive, while the
most secular melody could not have been more exciting.
Blackface performances became
an object for which white workers could project their fears, anxieties, and
temptations. They feared the dislocation of craft labor and the rise of
the alienatng factory work. Anxious about becoming "wage slaves' or
'white slaves,' white workers inflated the inferiority of blacks in order to
elevate their own social standing that was rapidly deteriorating.
Temptation in the form of alcoholism, sexual privation, and a higher
enjoyment of life were consciously and unconsciously envied by white
workers who now had to deal with the speed of industrial work and controlling
managerial supervision. These temptations became black racial
stereotypes. The constructed "Blackness" of minstrel shows came
to be something that was in direct opposition to new conceptions of
"whiteness," which repressed preindustrial desires. Although
many liberals tend to view the violence of Trump rallies as relatively unprecedented,
minstrel shows typically concluded with race riots in which free blacks were
beaten by mobs, even inside Northern black churches. The Origins of
this cultural formation suggest that racism and the decline of work due to
industrialization went hand in hand.
Sexism was typified by the sort
of female exclusion and white male unity that was implicit in minstrel shows.
Although openly sexist jokes were typically forbidden from minstrelsy,
sexual purity was abandoned. Mockery of women's rights conventions, in
which men dressed and acted as women, clearly depicted opposition to male
suffrage. In addition, mystic tales of black men's sexual organs was a
frequent topic, as the minstrel song "astonishing
nose" shows:
Like an elephants trunk it
reached to its toes, And wid it he would gib some most astonishing blows
No one dare come near, so great
was his might
He used to lie on his bed wid
his nose on the floor, An when he slept sound his nose it would snore,Like
a dog in a fight - 'twas a wonderful nose An it follows him about wherever
he goes.
De police arrested him one
morning in May,
For obstructing de sidewalk,
having his nose in de way.
Dey took him to de court house,
dis member to fine;
When dey got dere de nose hung
on a tavern sign.
Franz Fanon's psychological
study of racism, Black Skin, White Masks,
comments on the colonialist origins of Trump's grab them "by
the pussy" appeal:
"The Civilized white man
retains an irrational nostalgia for the extraordinary times of sexual
licentiousness, orgies, unpunished rapes, and unrepresentative incest.
Projecting his desires into the black man, the white man behaves as if
the black man actually had them."
These sort of sexualized,
hyper-masculine performances were weaved into the image that Donald Trump
created of himself. "Look at those hands, are they small
hands?" Trump told the audience during one of the Republican
debates, in response to comments made by Marco Rubio. he went on to
reassure the audience: "I guarantee you there's no problem, I guarantee
it." For many men, anxieties about their declining economic security
were restored and reflected in these sort of implicit statements. As
economic power declines, sexual might plays an increasingly important role.
Political rebellion, no matter
how shallow and superficial, was the main attraction for both minstrel shows
and Donald Trump. The Civil War brought new content for minstrel
performers looking to win over white, urban, Democratic audiences. These
shows began to attack topics such as emancipation, the recruitment of black
troops, tax revenue being allocated to the Freedman's Bureau, universal civil
rights, and supposed favoritism of the "nigger." These
"rebelliousness" critiques of Radical Republicanism lined up nicely
with the proslavery views of wealthy elites in the urban North, such New
York City. Likewise, Trump's statements about putting Hilary Clinton in
jail, criticism of the Iraq War, and denouncements of free trade agreements
such as NAFTA resonate with many Americans. Still, these criticisms carefully
leave class struggle and wealth inequality out of the script. What these
nineteenth century and contemporary critiques of the status quo have in common
is there focus on moralists and national political authorities, rather than
conflicts between capital and labor.
We cannot deny that racism
still resonates with the white working class, although the extent to which is
not certain. The white working class is not inherently racist; Trump did
not win over working class whites, as liberal
commentators seem to claim. In fact, Trump's portion of working class
voters was comparable to previous Republican candidates. What we do know,
is that Trump won because Hilary Clinton lost a large portion of voters who
elected Barack Obama in 2008, and with an even smaller margin in 2012.
There is very little of Donald
Trump's political content that is unprecedented. He is not a fascist, as
many on the left claim. This is not to deflate the very real threat that
his disastrous appointments and policies pose. Things will get bad, no
doubt. However, all of his horribleness can be traced back to various
American political and cultural traditions that his campaign revived.
Violence, sexism, racism, and hyper-masculine homophobia are all staples
of American conservatism that can be traced back to the emergence of minstrel
shows in the early nineteenth century. It is comforting to know that the
politics of minstrely are incapable of increasing Republican voter turnout.
Perhaps this type of conservative is dying and Donald Trump is its last
gasp of air.
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